This is a follow on from my article on coming out that I wrote back in 2013 – you can read it here. And I’ve written a few other things on LGBT stuff – like this about Grindr, and this about Conchita Wurst.
But back then in 2013 I said that I couldn’t wait for ‘Coming Out’ to be a real choice, and I share the article every #NationalComingOutDay. But over the last few weeks I’ve been reminded more than ever that coming out is still really difficult. And I don’t mean for the first time, or the ‘big’ coming out to your family – but the coming out in the street, or at work, or at the gym.
This has been my year – of changing jobs and starting at a new place of work, getting a boyfriend again, going back to the gym for the first time in ages and generally not spending every living hour in my room.
And each of those decisions and circumstances have been made so much more difficult by being gay.
The trolls on twitter will tell you to get a life, for sure.
Or to man up or let it go and realise there are people worse than you in countries where its not okay to be gay.
But in reality, when it was WMHD yesterday, followed by Coming Out Day today – some of these things couldn’t be more important.
Because so many times this year I’ve wanted to just go home and cry and not go outside again because someone had shouted at me in the street. (I say wanted to, and I mean either and both because I couldn’t go home or because of my ridiculous ability as an adult human not to be able to cry). Or not walk certain ways down the street, or fearful in case my neighbours saw me holding hands with.. shock horror – a boy.
Our LGBT community can sometimes feel pretty lonely – particularly in London. I know there’s a few other gays around where I live, cos I see them holding hands and I do wonder – do they have the same apprehension just walking out the door.
Do they get worried about what bars they go to?
Is this what people normally think about when they walk down the street?
And for a growing amount of people it is. It really is.
For us gays – yeap, we can get married and have children and we can legally walk down the street hand in hand and arm in arm, but are we ‘liberated’. No.
Those Bratavio guys on #XFactor, are ‘disgusting’.
If you just happen to dress a ‘bit too gay’ or risque then oh no, you’re not allowed.
Hell, if you’re trans you have it 1000 times worse.
If you’re wearing a headscarf or Burka I can imagine you get the same side-eye and stares – the same shouts and comments.
The Jew this year who fears wearing a Kippah to a Labour Party meeting might mean getting screamed at about Israel, or worse, shot in a foreign capital.
This year the growing intolerance we are seeing around Britain and the world is scary as hell. It’s everywhere – online, offline, on your street and on the next.
The guys who shouted ‘batty boy’ at me literally 50m from my house.
My mates or the people we all know on social media who got beaten up for daring to go to a gay club.
You try to ignore them, but the Facebook messages that call you a ‘fucking gay boy freak’.
The person who compared me to a pedophile on twitter for daring to criticise Jeremy Corbyn. Like wtf.
The ‘you’re disgusting’ comment that me and my boyfriend got just walking to Tesco to buy some food.
And it’s all the other stuff that comes with it. The fear that the extra-long stare might just turn into a punch, the nervousness about reaching out and holding his hand, the worry of having your public details online so that someone might come find you and make their threat a reality. Where you go on holiday, who you go with, what you might do, the kind of bars you might drink at.
It’s all of that.
So maybe we should stop saying that coming out doesn’t matter. Because I feel like I’ve come out more in the last few months than I ever have in my life.
Bloody hell, if only coming out was one day a year – that would be bliss!
This year, have a think. How many times do you come out on a weekly, daily, monthly, yearly basis? It’s bloody loads.
So let’s stop pretending it “doesn’t matter” – cos it really does.
As I say every coming out day –
Don’t force people to live in or out of the closet.
Don’t define other people’s sexuality or experiences.
Don’t make decisions for others about their life and their sexuality just because you think they are ‘keeping a secret’ –
And don’t say it doesn’t matter just because for you it may now seem a distant memory.
Think of those moments when you’re really afraid – you won’t tell anyone, you won’t let it show, you’ll pretend its not happening but when you want to say the words ‘my boyfriend’ but ‘my partner’ comes out instead.
Or when you think about how you’re walking, not to look ‘too gay’ and ‘give it away’, or when you hold back from laughing because you might be ‘over the top’.
Those are the moments when coming out is really damn hard –
Coming out proper is the most exhilarating thing once it’s over, but then the reality will hit. It’s time we stopped sugar coating it and were there for each other more when it matters.
It’s okay to say it’s not always easy being gay – but it does get better, and it will – but only if we all stick together and challenge intolerance where ever we see it so coming out can be empowering rather than a relief.
A few weeks ago headlines were dominated by the news that yet another young Briton had been killed fighting for ISIS in Syria. Just a few days later, we were warned hundreds of ISIS fighters were being sent all over Europe to rain terror in our cities and on our freedom. Yet, Labour has been utterly silent on the challenges Britain faces when it comes to terrorism.
Under Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell, Labour’s commitment to security has been put in doubt through a series of unfortunate and worrying associations. More so, its decision not to tackle violent extremism and terrorism head on is harming our ability to be heard and be trusted for good.
The threats we face are real and it’s time Labour joined the frontline – challenging both the government, who has presided over a disastrous and failing strategy when it comes to counter-radicalisation, and those who should have known better but have instead played a game of political rhetoric and have let both our enemy and the government off the hook.
To counter growing extremism and intolerance at home and abroad we must find a voice that enables us to be trusted to take on the fight against terrorism. To do so Labour must root its rhetoric back in reality, expose the failings of the government’s strategy and have a plan of its own to tackle the very real challenges of terrorism and radicalisation.
Challenging a dangerous rhetoric that aided our enemies
Firstly, on the rhetoric, Labour must distance itself from those who have become apologists for ISIS. It should start by making one thing absolutely clear – our common enemy is ISIS; a barbaric and highly effective force that is engaged in a war against us, and everything we stand for, and is using Britain’s young people as its foot soldiers.
The family of one of the 15 year-old schoolgirls who left from the Bethnal Green Academy, an outstanding school, to be killed in Syria said that her death was “the end that they were expecting” to a story where she had somehow managed to get her hands on thousands of pounds and arrive in the middle of a warzone, on the side of ISIS.
She herself became and died an enemy because ISIS are managing to make their warzone seem like an attractive ‘choice’ – a reason to leave Britain. But let’s finally be honest – this was absolutely no choice at all. This is instead dangerous rhetoric that gave credence to the claims of ISIS.
Because for many the blame is on Britain. They claim we assured this fate for our own citizens, by our own actions. They try and compare and contrast the actions and morals of Britain and ISIS. In doing so, they have simply chosen to turn a blind eye to all that ISIS stands for and the true depths of their barbarity and their tactics.
The rhetoric that blames Britain for the rise of ISIS, and therefore for the many people going to Syria, simply lets ISIS off the hook. It is an absolutely shameful tactic to somehow make out that Syria is an attractive prospect for young people compared to a Britain that “has no place for them”.
It is astounding that so many have fallen into this narrative – claiming the role ISIS has planned for our young people is somehow comparable to the lack of opportunities that they have here, or somehow more patriotic. At such a pivotal time such a narrative ensured that in many cases ISIS’ claims about Britain, the West and themselves were simply legitimised. It emboldened an enemy that were using grim tactics to paint their barbarism as noble cause – and regardless of whether you agree with it or not, using a warped interpretation of religion to appeal to people and motivate them to act.
The rhetoric that blames Britain for the rise of ISIS, and therefore for the many people going to Syria, simply lets ISIS off the hook.
Those who used this narrative created their own muddled interpretation of facts and used “retaliation” to make out that there is some form of justice in joining ISIS or attacking troops at bases or police on the streets in Europe, because of the actions of democratic governments. They say it’s not just for Syria – but for past actions and transgressions by Britain and her allies.
But we must remind ourselves of the fragility of their arguments. They claim Britain’s invasion of Iraq was the seed that sowed such hatred against our islands and yet, France and Germany never stepped foot in Basra and yet both have been targeted by a series of home grown terrorists that were radicalised at home and abroad. To put it simply, ISIS and its equivalents were planning on turning our young people into weapons long before our Tornado’s or Eurofighters took off bound for Baghdad or Raqqa.
That narrative and our pathetic response has led to an absolutely desperate reality where young people, growing up in some of the most free and tolerant societies in the world, are closing in and believing that violence and the killing of innocent people in their own societies or fighting for our enemies abroad is a just cause.
Many people in the world face persecution – and many people in Britain feel hard done by, marginalised, cheated or broken by the system. The vast majority however do not, and never would, turn to violence and killing to solve their problems. To even suggest that this is an understandable decision or choice for young people in Britain today is an utterly shameful position to hold when the fate for them is so blindingly obvious.
Instead of doing everything and anything they could to stop this crisis from growing, too many ignored the reality at hand, left their perspective at the door and instead hijacked a debate to pursue an ideological narrative about Britain and to use this crisis for their own political gain.
Those who claim they have the interests of these young people at heart must stop referring to radicalisation in inverted commas as if it doesn’t really exist or pretending they don’t understand the difference between strong political opinions and aiding violent terrorism. Add to that the mixed messages about what would happen to people if they did leave for Syria and what would be the situation if they tried to return. We simply failed to stem the tide immediately and utterly failed to focus on the facts at hand.
Thankfully the tide has started to turn as the grim realities of life in Syria and Iraq have taken centre stage over the past two or more years.
Britain finally entered the conflict and has successfully taken part in an international coalition that has pushed ISIS back and forced Turkey to live up to its responsibilities in securing more of the border. The horrific scenes of British journalists and aid workers being beheaded and gay people being thrown from towers has acted as a reminder of the barbarity of our enemies and successfully put the claims of British antagonism in the Middle East into perspective.
Had this been the narrative from day one – we might have seen the lure of ISIS burn out much earlier.
Many people in the world face persecution – and many people in Britain feel hard done by, marginalised, cheated or broken by the system. The vast majority however do not, and never would, turn to violence and killing to solve their problems.
Exposing the failings of the government to win the fight on terrorism
But the government must also face facts that its own strategy failed.
That strategy, known as CONTEST, has been at the heart of Britain’s response in attempting to fight the use of radicalisation – namely through a de-radicalisation programme known as Channel and the growing ‘Prevent’ strand which has now been in place for some ten years. The full aims of Prevent, or ‘agenda’ as some call it, is to literally “aim to stop people becoming terrorists or supporting terrorism.”
Whilst we can and should debate whether the figures of those joining our enemies would be smaller or greater had it not been in place – but at its heart, the failings of Prevent and the rest of the strategy has allowed some 200 or more British citizens to die in Syria – far larger than any terrorist incident in Britain or involving British citizens abroad – and has allowed some 600 to leave and later return as a security risk, and a terror-threat level at its peak. When the majority of current attacks around Europe are being committed by known risks – the fact the government has not got a handle on this crisis is shocking.
On that basis alone, the government has questions to answer on the effectiveness of its response.
But even its wider failings are just as stark.
Our communities are becoming more polarised, we are seeing rampant anti-Semitism and Islamophobic attacks in our society and even mainstream political parties are now being accused of one or both of anti-Semitism or Islamophobia. In short – the strategy is not doing its job in keeping anybody safe from the extremes of the incitement of violence.
That is a shameful record of a government that says its laws would keep us safe.
But, yet again, Labour’s rhetoric has ensured the government has been able to dig its head into the sand and push on regardless. It should be highly worrying, to all of us who want counter-terrorism to succeed, that the government is being given the opportunity to paint all opponents to the failings of Prevent as opposing counter-terrorism.
It is also not a smear by the government to claim this when the failures of the government’s strategy that its opponents highlight are a long way from the story of the 1000 people who have been radicalised and travelled to Syria.
Labour’s rhetoric has ensured the government has been able to dig its head into the sand and push on regardless.
In fact, their opposition is resolutely focused on just a few case studies where students in higher education in some of the most expensive and privileged universities have been dragged in through the wide net cast by Prevent in trying to assess and identify those at risk from radicalisation.
Opponents of Prevent have made friends in the form of organisations like CAGE and Hizb-ut-Tahir who target the police for heavy-handed tactics in arresting and pursuing actual suspected terrorists such as “breaking down a door” and saying that “young men had been criminalised and their lives tarnished through the broad stroke of ‘terrorism’.” In this case, they were in fact referring to Tarik Hassane and Suhaib Majeed, two young people who had the opportunity of a university education and are now in prison facing some twenty years for plotting to murder soldiers, police officers and innocent civilians in French-style drive by-shootings.
We should stand side-by-side with the government when it is undertaking genuine counter-terrorism operations against known suspects. To stand with organisations who conflate this type of urgent and necessary action with other programmes such as Prevent are serving no purpose in the cause to get the government to consider its failings with the latter.
It is obvious that Labour must not allow itself to be sidelined by debating on the fringes with this ramshackle clan who oppose everything the government has to say, but with no policies of their own.
Putting forward a credible plan to keep people safe from harm
It is therefore vital that Labour puts forward a credible plan that shows it is serious about security.
A few weeks ago Owen Smith, standing for the Labour Leadership, said that if we are to strengthen the resourcing of counter-radicalisation we have to foster better community relations in Britain and stand up for Britain’s rights by investing in our communities.
He was booed and attacked as a ‘supporter’ of Prevent.
To attack Owen as if he is the enemy for daring to use the word ‘Prevent’ is absolutely damning of those who claim to have the interests of those at risk of radicalisation at heart. In the closing days of this leadership contest, Owen should begin by announcing a five point plan that makes it clear Labour is serious about fighting terrorism and challenging the government on its approach – to make it work.
That challenge to the government should therefore be twofold: firstly to ensure that people cannot become targets for radicalisation by building strong communities with the support they need to counter it; and secondly to hunt down known threats, identify violent extremists who are trying to leave Britain to fight for our enemies and prevent terrorist attacks from happening.
Our strategy should;
Challenge Theresa May to begin negotiations with the EU on security – As the reality of Brexit come clear, Labour should respond to the headlines of home-radicalised and foreign fighters in Britain by making it clear the government must not allow any exit from the EU to impact on Britain’s security. We should challenge the Prime Minister to open negotiations on security as her top issue and guarantee Britain’s place in the European Arrest Warrant and joint-operations with Interpol as a top priority for the government.
Call on the government to immediately account for all fighters who have returned from Syria – Known threats and suspects remain a highly significant proportion of the recent terrorist atrocities we have seen in Europe and around the world either where de-radicalisation or disengagement has failed, such as in Canada, or where the security services have failed to track its citizens that have fought or been trained abroad – such as in France and Germany. Labour should call for action to immediately find and pursue those who have returned from Syria and other ISIS areas and enlist them into Channel, the de-radicalisation programme. The government should be held to account on the percentage of these returners that have been enlisted into the programme.
Deliver more resources to counter-terrorism operations – We should ensure counter-terrorism experts focus on counter-terrorism – by bringing more operatives online to counter the direct threats and activities by our enemies and resource more live counter-radicalisation operations by law-enforcement and the security services under the rest of CONTEST – mainly through Pursue and the multi-fronted Channel project. Existing funding awarded from the Home Office through Prevent should either be discontinued or repurposed for clear counter-terrorism operations within the Home and Foreign offices, such as to cyber-security firms to support the aiding of Pursue.
Go further than the Home Affairs Select Committee recommendations and instead disband and replace Prevent – Combining anti-extremism and counter-terrorism operations under CONTEST has failed to give assurances to communities that they are not under suspicion. Labour should call for Prevent to be disbanded from CONTEST and the funding transferred and then used to develop an extensive citizenship and multi-faith programme as the sole responsibility of the Department for Communities and Local Government under Sajid Javid. All externally funded projects by the government to foster community relations, inter-faith work or any other aspects of the citizenship programme should be offered directly and solely to vetted partners from DCLG to provide a firewall between counter-terrorism operations and programmes designed to enhance community relations and citizenship within the UK to end the suspicion and conflation of the two. Labour should stress that whilst the benefits of a cohesive and strong community are obvious to counter terrorism itself, they should be different in focus, scope and principle and that they go wider and further than this aim.
Pledge to restore citizenship education in all schools, no matter what their structure – Finally through the Citizenship and Multi-Faith programme under the leadership and funding of DCLG, Labour should force the government to restore a compulsory citizenship curriculum into all levels of education – including free schools and consider placing pastoral responsibilities onto universities, as opposed to the reporting mechanism to law enforcement that was put in place under Prevent, that is designed to allow debate to flourish in a safe environment. A review of existing pastoral and safeguarding guidelines should then take place and on the introduction of the citizenship curriculum the Prevent Duty should be suspended and replaced by these reviewed guidelines.
With race and faith relations hitting an all-time low, our threat level at an all time high and the challenges we see with security and defence starker and more difficult than we have seen since the start of the 21st century – Labour must take its position seriously and move on from standing on the side-lines of political debate with people who have taken their eyes well off the ball of the mission at hand .
Our goal on this agenda should be crystal clear – defeating ISIS, keeping Britain safe from a barbaric common enemy and strengthening our communities to foster freedom and debate is our first priority.
If the government will not act to ensure that happens, we must show that we can and that we will.
The new year and 2016 will mark the end of much for the BBC. With a new deal being struck with the government, it is likely to be another turbulent year for an organisation creaking under its own weight, a majority Conservative government that has never been the Corporation’s main friend and as a broadcaster trying to make its own way in the modern world. Broadcasting has certainly changed dramatically since the BBC was formed and as it rationalises its own service, the British Broadcasting Corporation requires a new trademark, a new stamp, a new brand for itself in the 21st century as it heads towards 2020.
Overcoming the scandals, the crises and the financial restraint is costing the BBC – in truth even its product may seem under threat. It must straddle the competition of on-demand drama by moving more of its services online and perhaps lose control over its sellable commercial assets in doing so. Its offering for children too seems slow to have adapted to the vast range of services available for young parents on Netflix and others, as well as acting too late in moving its teenage offerings digital, under the pressure of effective public lobbying which delayed many of the BBC’s decisions, even though it will finally do so with the slim-lining of BBC3. It has lost much government funding to deliver grants for the arts on the ground as part of its talent spotting and supporting work. It too has to cope with defining its public service role that it is twisting and turning into digital training with a focus on young people, but is perhaps being beaten fair and square by Channel 4 in terms of looking like a true public service thought-provoking, educational broadcaster. In truth its offer is also looking increasingly dated, scrapping what should be quite successful new shows, which also wouldn’t look out of place on Channel 4 and catering yet increasingly for its haul of free license fee holders which swallows much of its funding.
“Overcoming the scandals, the crises and the financial restraint is costing the BBC”
“What may seem like a broadcaster losing it’s way, is one indeed finding and finally beginning to define and act like it.”
But for all the challenges it faces, the Corporation itself still rules a commanding roost for the consumption of radio, news, comedy and entertainment.
And by the end of 2016, that may well be all the BBC has to offer as part of its terrestrial and ordinary deal. A slimmer, funnier and reliable state broadcaster with the sole aim of informing the public of the latest news and entertaining them. No more teaching kids to code – outsource that elsewhere. No more particularly radical ideas – give more license fee funding to Channel 4 to distribute to small British production firms. Don’t buy in expensive dramas from abroad – leave that to Netflix. End the expensive hoarding of sport in which it cannot compete using taxpayer funds. Instead splash out on big national events; award ceremonies, Sports Personality of the Year, extend the BBC’s lead on Saturday night entertainment, hire the biggest names and keep them. The brand of the BBC as the home of television and radio – family television and music – the only station you put on in the car and the first station you turn on back at home.
The changing face of a national broadcaster in a more austere nation. Perhaps then all these challenges and realities reflects a BBC that is changing before our eyes. Indeed what may seem like a broadcaster losing it’s way, is one indeed finding and finally beginning to define and act like it.
“If they are in the business of entertainment then the BBC may just want to consider hosting the biggest entertainment show in the world.”
2016 marks the turning point for many of these changes; the first visible outing for a new BBC vision. Not necessarily just the words on Tony Hall’s lips – but the decisions and positions of an organisation which has now lost it’s sporting prowess and has been tapered, clipped, by government; Formula 1 and even the Olympics pretty much off-loaded, the uncompetitive bid to rid itself of its expensive and slow growing The Voice to ITV Studios. What then does the BBC do to fill this gap and to make its statement of intent?
It may for one just want to consider hosting the biggest entertainment show in the world.
The BBC’s ill fated relationship with the Eurovision Song Contest however has throughout the ages been full of both honour and glory as well as just pure, dire embarrassment. Having previously laid out my case for the BBC to recognise events like Eurovision as enterprising and entrepreneurial money making opportunities for a smart and adventurous broadcaster, even I recognise that some five years on, this ground is perhaps now lost. Not half due to the strategy of Jon Ola Sand and the European Broadcasting Union to move Eurovision’s brand firmly into the entertainment arena – playing on headlines with the introduction of Australia, SVT’s modernisation, a more Western focus and with the help of a now globally famous winner like Conchita. The drive of the contests’ owners is higher viewing figures in new markets, for sure. They are ruthlessly executing their strategy together with Sweden’s SVT who are extending their domination at the heart of the contest.
They have also quietly moved aside and moved on those who seem to exercise authority within their own right – ending with the sacking of the Executive Supervisor of the Junior edition of the contest – despite taking the show from strength to strength in what has been a staggering professionalisation of the show and producing phenomenal recent winners.
“Eurovision’s own austerity drive is over, the spectacle and scale of the contest is only likely to again grow, particularly should Russia secure its likely second win in the next few years”
Those of us therefore arguing for the further ‘musiciasation’ of the show itself it seems are on a losing battle. And therefore eyeing an entrepreneurial focus on chart sales and generating income is now perhaps not the way our BBC is ever going to engage in the contest that is now on a different path itself. Its own austerity drive over, the spectacle and scale of the contest is only likely to again grow, particularly should Russia secure its likely second win in the next few years or Sweden equal Ireland’s 7th victory.
The alternative back in the UK of course was always seen as playing on exactly some of these cards being played by the EBU under Ola Sand. Entertainment. Fraser Nelson has long been a proponent of offloading the contest in the UK to a broadcaster like ITV that ‘gets’ entertainment. However in the last few years we have seen that in fact the BBC does ‘get’ entertainment – pulling in millions more than ITV into Strictly and Bake Off. Family TV is where it is. It just misjudges that where Eurovision is concerned, entertainment has no need to be trashy or lazy.
For the BBC; to be in play with the EBU’s strategy and to have a chance of wrestling the contest from Scandinavia’s grip, it would mean them coming up with an entry that could, indeed, win the thing. So ditching its relatively unimpressive ratings driving strategy of old timers who could no longer sing was welcome and a lesson in combatting the broadcasters laziness to the contest itself. Now the BBC has hopefully also learned the ‘trashy’ lesson; it doesn’t work.
The horrific outing of ‘Electro Velvet’ in Vienna was enough to doubt the BBC in its entirety. But we, and its own producers, have hopefully seen the message from Molly in Copenhagen, and perhaps earlier from Jade in Moscow, that it can do better when it tries. Though it was perhaps always to be doomed in 2014 with a last position slot in the now producer controlled running order and Molly’s nerves. But it still rings true; entertainment, music, the contest can be fun – particularly when we are good. If the BBC can honestly say it has done its best and drives ratings on an expected return to form, it may be on to a winner.
But why Eurovision?
Firstly the BBC know how to put on a show. The hosting of the 60th anniversary event and putting it on BBC One, in prime time, was perhaps a display of its confidence in growing Eurovision as part of its core offering. The BBC will have fended off other European broadcasters for the rights – so it does show progress, having spurned 2005, and some of its dodgy decisions, including hiring Pete Waterman in 2010.
Secondly, the rights to the main show itself would become an instant money-raiser for the Corporation, which faces further budget savings. The BBC is still considered to be one of the last broadcasters to make a pure profit hosting the contest, and even with the growth of the contest itself into a week long event, it certainly could break even; with only venue costs being a real driver for a large broadcaster like the BBC and its technical expertise. So if the BBC is in the game of cheap but strong performing entertainment television – what better way than hosting Eurovision itself in 2017 to fill the BBC’s growing profile gap, keep the punters happy and get a return on its output, the promise of higher figures and a glitzy outing for its most expensive hosts and stars.
“The BBC know how to put on a show”
We will have to wait and see what the Beeb issue as their ticket to Stockholm. But if we are to ever have confidence, perhaps it may well be the year that the BBC needs the contest more than it ever has done that may shock it into seizing the moment. The Eurovision brand, its name and its game may just mean that the stars may align for the UK in Stockholm.
That’s if the BBC knows what it’s doing of course…
By 2010 after thirteen long years of power our party was not ready for a real conversation about its time in office. We could not talk about the concessions we made to be in power, nor what we did with it. Simply our party was in mourning of having finally lost the power it so desperately craved. Continue reading “New Labour is dead, now we must bury it for good”
Last night’s ‘Eurovision’s Greatest Hits’ celebration of 60 years of the Eurovision Song Contest portrayed the contest in the only way the BBC knows how to. The camp, the glitz and the glam were all out to mark this special anniversary.
This was the second big anniversary celebration of the contest after a similar affair back in 2005. Back then ‘Congratulations’, produced to mark the 50th anniversary, was also due to be a BBC venture, although it ended up in the hands of DR, the Danish broadcaster, who had proven itself a friend of the EBU, albeit a slightly dysfunctional Eurovision host with both the contest in 2001 and supporting the EBU to launch Junior Eurovision. But despite the different hosts, both anniversary shows were produced in exactly the same way – and both recognised the same songs, the same eras, the same contest. But surely there’s more to wheeling out Fly On The Wings Of Love, Brotherhood of Man and Johnny Logan every ten years? Continue reading “Where are you now?”